By James Hess, Ph.D.
Professor, School of Security and Global Studies
Since 1979, the main branch of Shi’ism jurisprudence (or fiqh) has been in a state of turmoil. Ja’farism is the fiqh followed by more than 90% of Shi’a Muslims.
According to the Institute of Ismaili Studies, Ja’farism is named for the sixth Shi’a Imam, Ja’far al-Sadiq. One specific teaching of Sadiq was that the Imam, the religious leader, should not be the political leader, but rather he should focus on spiritual matters.
In 1979, Grand Ayatollah Ruhallah Khomeini’s Iranian Revolution brought forth a new version of Ja’farism, known as Valayet al-fiqah, or governance of the jurist. Khomeini’s version of Ja’farism implemented significant changes, most importantly that the Imam should also be the political leader.
Pope Francis’s visit to Iraq was his first foreign journey since the COVID-19 pandemic. As part of his trip, Francis met with Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani.
Sistani is the current leader of the Hawza (school) in Najaf, Iraq. The Hawza in Najaf is almost 1,000 years old and is known as the world center of Shi’a (Ja’farism) learning.
Since 1979, Qom, a Hawza, or center of religious learning in Iran, has tried to compete with the Hawza in Najaf for religious authority in Ja’farism. Today, Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei serves as the leader of Qom’s Hawza and, by default, he is also the political leader of Iran.
The most tangible difference between Sistani’s version of traditional Ja’farism and Khomenei’s version of Khomeini Ja’farism (Khomeinism) is Sistani’s version believes in a separation of church and state while Khomeinism is a theocracy. Reportedly, Ja’far al-Sadiq once commented that if you see the Imam walking with the political leaders, “accuse them” (of wrongdoing).
For more than 1,200 years, Ja’fari Shi’ism held fast to the idea of separation of church and state. This didn’t mean that the Imam couldn’t criticize the political leader; that did happen, often. The late 19th-century Tobacco Protest is an example. The Imam’s role was clear, according to Ja’far al-Sadiq, focus on spiritual matters, point out political corruption that affects the people, but never become (or be seen with) the king (political leader).
In a recent NBC News article, Hayder al-Khoei, the grandson of former Grand Ayatollah Abu al-Qasim Khoei, a predecessor of Sistani, does an excellent job explaining how both Pope Francis and Grand Ayatollah Sistani are leaders of religious institutions that support separation of church and state.
Khoei’s article is quite interesting in how he points out that Khamenei recognized, “that the meeting between [Pope Francis and Grand Ayatollah Sistani] indicates that the ‘traditional’ school in Iraq has overtaken the ‘modern’ school in Iran in understanding global priorities and religious diplomacy.”
In reality, there is nothing “modern” about Qom’s Hawza or theology. It is a throwback to political caliphate, albeit with some influence by Sayyid Qutb’s “Milestones.”
The fact that Pope Francis visited Sistani is significant. It highlights the importance of protecting the traditional form of Ja’farism, especially from Qom’s influence.
The future of Shi’ism depends on ensuring that the separation of church and state is maintained. Sistani is 90 years old and there is concern that after his death, Qom will try to influence the naming of his successor. If Sistani’s successor does not maintain the traditional form of Ja’farism, then further conflict in the region is highly possible and Iran will attempt to flex its muscle and create a larger pan-Shi’a Middle East.
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