AMU Europe Intelligence Military Original

Russia and Ukraine: What Should Be Our Foreign Policy?

By Ilan Fuchs, Ph.D.
Faculty Member, Legal Studies

One of the major stories in international headlines in the past few weeks is the tension on the border between Russia and Ukraine. The massive Russian army near the Ukrainian border threatens to bring a major war to Europe for the first time since the end of World War Two.

The international aspects of a potential Ukraine invasion by Russia have been deliberated on many news outlets. However, the current situation raises a fundamental question: What is the U.S. foreign policy? Or better yet, what should it be?

A Wall-to-Wall Condemnation of Russia and President Putin

It is easy to see how many people in the U.S. political system are condemning Russia’s actions and are quick to declare that the U.S. has a responsibility to come to the aid of Ukraine. It is not only President Biden who expresses this sentiment, but we also see solidarity with Ukraine from the back benches of the House.

Rep. Jake Auchincloss, a Democrat representing Massachusetts’ 4th Congressional district, made this statement on social media: “Great nations keep their word. We must stand behind our promise to Ukraine to support its security as a sovereign nation…Members of Congress have a responsibility to protect democracy at home and abroad.”

Even though President Biden generally has little support from Republicans, he did not have too many problems garnering Republican support for Ukraine.

Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) addressed the developing situation in Ukraine during an interview on FOX News. He stated, “What we’re doing is not working. The bottom line is Putin deserves to be sanctioned now. He’s put over 100,000 troops on the Ukraine border.

“We’re having to withdraw American citizens and government officials because of the provocation…I think the Ukrainians will fight, and I want to support moving more troops into NATO countries living in the shadow of Russia to show resolve regarding NATO. We’re talking way too much. We’re doing way too little. Sanction Putin now.”

It is easy to understand Graham’s position. Russia is the aggressor, and Putin is using tactics that are barred by the most basic foundations of international law.

But as the old saying goes, each coin has two sides. There is another possible way to look at the Ukraine-Russia situation.

Some Others Have Said the US Does Not Need to Get Involved in Ukraine

While both Republicans and Democrats have expressed their support for U.S. involvement between Russia and Ukraine, others have said that the U.S. should steer clear of any involvement. The most famous and articulate proponent of this position is Tucker Carlson from FOX News.

Carlson has repeatedly said that there is no reason for the U.S. to intervene in Ukraine. He stated that Ukraine is not a democratic country and is not an ally of the United States.

While those viewpoints are open for interpretation, the core of Carlson’s argument presents a challenge to his opponents. Carlson explained that Russia does not want the Ukraine to join NATO because Russia could wake up with NATO forces and missiles at its border.

Carlson is essentially echoing the U.S. position during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Now is not the time and place to unpack the veracity of Carlson’s argument, but it does deserve an answer.

Why should U.S. soldiers’ lives be put at risk for a foreign nation? Carlson is not alone in his thinking; he has those who support him on the far left.

For example, Peter Beinart, a representative of the progressive movement in media circles, wrote an op-ed for The New York Times. Beinart’s position is that there is no reason for the Biden administration to join the long history of American meddling in foreign countries’ affairs, according to Mother Jones.

So What Should US Foreign Policy Be toward Ukraine and Russia?

Perhaps these challenges to the consensus of opinions regarding Ukraine are coming at a good time. In such a situation, we should encourage public discourse about the importance of freedom and idealism as we see from the wall-to-wall condemnation of Putin, but also talk about national interests and economic value.

The U.S. and other Western nations have much to debate beyond the question of whether Putin’s actions are morally wrong. There are some U.S. interests that are closely connected to foreign relations. Economic ties essential to American prosperity can be destroyed if a war breaks out in Europe or in the South China Sea for that matter.

If Ukraine is invaded and Putin shuts down the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, energy prices could go sky-high and destroy the U.S. economy. Similarly, U.S. weapon sales could suffer as the Russia encroaches on American interests.

Not all foreign policy is about idealism. Much of it is about interests and hard cash.

If polls teach us anything, it is that the American voter understands the complex reality of foreign policy. As Mother Jones notes, “But it does not appear that either party—or the broader electorate—is in the middle of some grand, dovish reckoning: Even as U.S. voters tired of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, polling suggests that Americans are significantly more likely to support using troops against aggressors like Russia and China.”

The decision of Russia to accept the independence of the separatists’ districts and to send soldiers to this area has brought about a decision by the U.S. and the European Union to put sanctions against Russia in place. The economic sanctions will have an effect on life in Russia and will bring to the forefront Putin’s attempt to reestablish Russian dominance in Eastern Europe and his neo-imperialist vision of pan-Slavism.

The U.S. interests in Europe will also be directly impacted by such moves. The U.S. response with sanctions is also an opportunity to revitalize NATO and have our European partners recommit to it by increasing their financial support to NATO’s military buildup. 

Ilan Fuchs

Dr. Ilan Fuchs is a scholar of international law and legal history. He holds a B.A. in Humanities and Social Science from The Open University of Israel and an M.A. in Jewish history from Bar-Ilan University. Ilan’s other degrees include an LL.B., an LL.M. and a Ph.D. in Law from Bar-Ilan University. He is the author of “Jewish Women’s Torah Study: Orthodox Education and Modernity,” and 18 articles in leading scholarly journals. At the University, Ilan teaches courses on international law while maintaining a law practice in several jurisdictions.

Comments are closed.